Flyingfalcon
MPA (400+ posts)
Last edited by a moderator:
Imran Khan's Injury has turned things around in his favor? - BBC Report
- Thread starter Flyingfalcon
- Start date
Nasir Amin
Banned
??. ??. ?? ???? ?????: ????? ??? ?? ??????? ??
Pakistan1992
Chief Minister (5k+ posts)
Mien Pakistani qaum ko Sher Bananay Aya hun: Imran Khan
Not_Guilty
Minister (2k+ posts)
Re: Mien Pakistani qaum ko Sher Bananay Aya hun: Imran Khan
kya shikari sher ka shikar kar paayega?
It takes two to have an election
Nawaz Sharif may have proved to be a political operator, but is now confronting the toughest challenge of his career since 1988 — Imran Khan.
Long before the 2013 elections were announced, it was not difficult for those in Punjab, the PML-N’s power base, to see a repeat of the 1997 polls. Back then, the PML-N had swept Punjab to secure a huge mandate, and the PPP must have feared a repeat this time. It responded by not challenging the Sharifs’ hold in central Punjab but by trying to carve territory for itself in southern Punjab where it did well in the 2008 polls. The PPP’s ‘new province’ slogan, based on a negative projection of the ‘Takht Lahore’ rather than on its claims of development, made it even more vulnerable in upper Punjab.
Enter Imran Khan
This is when Imran Khan intervened. Khan had been long trying to make a mark for himself; a major impediment was his reluctance to take on the Sharifs directly. Once he overcame this obstacle, he found support among the young and not so young who had come to equate the failures of political governments with those of the system. Khan was their new Mr Clean. Over time, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s argument underwent frequent changes so that the party could equip itself for a real shot at power. Even then, he managed to stir a wave which grew more threatening by the day.
Imran Khan was likely to get the support of the old PPP voters, especially in upper Punjab. These voters had become wary of their party’s concessions on territory and ideology and were likely to wilt under the weight of accusations against the current PPP leadership.
Another large group which supported the PTI once belonged to the PML-Q. It consisted of many new, ambitious politicians who first arrived on the scene after the Musharraf-held elections — general and local government. Some had been embraced by the PML-N and felt secure; those perhaps wanting to be absorbed by the PPP were chastened by the unpopularity of the Zardari set-up. In any case this group of political wannabes was too big to be accommodated by the old parties. Most of this Musharraf residue was threatened with extinction but it now found space for possible progress in the PTI. Much of it was concentrated in Punjab. Then there were people: ordinary people wanting to stamp the bat.
Many PTI candidates for May 11 are old PML-Q hands, but they are supported in good number by new faces inspired by Imran Khan’s slogan for change. The perception that Khan has not been able to woo many politicians from the PML-N in Punjab was thought to be to his disadvantage after he made it known he was willing to make compromises for securing power first. It was thought a concentration of the anti-PML-N vote in the PTI camp could consolidate the Sharif support especially in Punjab.
Over time, it appeared that all these old calculations were at risk and new patterns were set to emerge. It was still between the PTI and PML-N, and too close to call, it being difficult to put numbers on the Imran wave.
PML-Q’s dwindling presence
The much-talked-about PML-Q vote bank was nonexistent to begin with and whatever little promise it offered has since largely been compromised by the defiance of the seat-adjustment formula between the PPP and PML-Q by their candidates.
In any case, the large chunk the PML-Q got in Punjab in 2008 stemmed from a general feeling that the ‘establishment’ was keen for it to continue in power. The PML-Q has served its purpose, and if a small percentage of loyal Muslim League vote, inspired by expectations of victory, exists, it is more likely to go to the PML-N. The PML-Q may only retain a feeble presence on the strength of the personal vote banks of its candidates.
Balochistan
The PML-Q put up a good show last time it was in Balochistan, where it revelled in the absence of the nationalists, before submitting to a junior role under the chief minister, PPP’s Aslam Raisani. While the PML-Q has disappeared from the scene in the province, the PPP retains a very small presence here. The PML-N has sought to create alliances with nationalists.
That could turn out to be a vital link between Balochistan and the rest of the country which tends to repeatedly forget it, sadly often treating it as territory that can be best looked after by the garrison boys. The province is crying out for a look above party positions, and party performances in election.
Yet, participation by everyone in the May 11 vote is absolutely essential for an initiative that can then be taken into the larger debate about Balochistan’s future. Voter turnout is crucial and the reaction of various groups to the deployment of the army for the election has to be watched closely and responsibly responded to.
PPP: a spent force?
In what could have long-lasting repercussions, it is the Q’s ally PPP which is in disarray in both KP where it did quite well in 2008 and in vast areas of Punjab.
The PPP campaign in southern Punjab and even in its old bastion Sindh, where it confronts a multi-party alliance this time, needs a leader in command and ideas to sustain it. Such a campaign could have made some impact on districts upwards where the party has candidates who undertook considerable development work in the last five years. Many are struggling under the cumulative effects of incumbency and because their party has failed to come up with a lead campaigner. The PPP, like the Awami National Party in KP, has been severely contained and could pay a big price on polling day.
The Sharif factor
If an analysis of likely fortunes were to be based on election campaigns alone, the PML-N had at least two politicians of the highest national stature in Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif to campaign freely and fearlessly. They did not only campaign in Punjab but also in Sindh, KP and Balochistan. And they, like Imran Khan, had no time to get into the niceties which would require them to speak against the violence perpetrated in the poll run-up on the MQM, PPP and ANP. They were concerned with their own political security.
The combined effect of these forays by the Sharifs — and Imran Khan — the militant warnings and the media relays, which highlighted the absence of the PPP, threaten to severely curtail the number of seats the Zardari party expects.
The PML-N drive was supplemented by the next generation of Sharifs — Hamza Shahbaz, Maryam Nawaz, Salman Shahbaz — in Lahore. This was a bonus when what they were fighting against was actually a one-man flying squad by the name of Imran Khan and a no-show Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
The relentless Sharif show was a rerun of earlier campaigns where the Sharifs sought to overwhelm their opponents by flaunting the sheer number of in-house campaigners as also by investing in other resources to ensure that they appear to dominate the scene. Before an election is won a party must appear to be winning it with banners and rallies and grand election offices at strategic places. The PML-N sought to convey that message through aggressive campaigning. Imran Khan again intervened, one-man, but energised by a huge response to his call for change. The PTI hit back with energy that has been absent over the last many elections.
The Imran Khan wave went up and down since the PTI, as one of the favoured parties of Pakistan’s current moral guardians, had not been able to come up with an ideology which was sufficiently different from that of the PML-N. Another crucial point was that the PML-N was offering leadership at both the centre and Punjab. Khan had himself to take charge at the centre but didn’t offer quality candidates for the province. But the PTI cadres differed, primarily by saying that change was ideology enough.
Playing it safe
Even though the absence of PTI stalwarts to challenge big PML-N names in Lahore constituencies was puzzling, the PTI’s challenge did shake the PML-N. A contest was on — the meek like the PPP dreamily hoping for a three-way.
The PTI was depending too much on its leader and on the youthful wave whose velocity no one is sure about. But then this is what the wave is all about. It creates excitement and makes predictions tricky. Both the contenders fighting it out in Punjab and KP promise a sweep of their own. Independent scenarios see tough fights and do not yet rule out a hung parliament.
That will be a test for Nawaz Sharif but a more severe trial for Khan. The PTI chief has been able to attract individuals from old parties in recent times. Striking partnerships with parties is a different ballgame altogether. Khan will do well as long as he does not compromise his individuality and remembers that the Sharifs are his main opponents in this battle over a new Pakistan.
http://dawn.com/2013/05/10/it-takes-two-to-have-an-election/
It takes two to have an election
Nawaz Sharif may have proved to be a political operator, but is now confronting the toughest challenge of his career since 1988 — Imran Khan.
Long before the 2013 elections were announced, it was not difficult for those in Punjab, the PML-N’s power base, to see a repeat of the 1997 polls. Back then, the PML-N had swept Punjab to secure a huge mandate, and the PPP must have feared a repeat this time. It responded by not challenging the Sharifs’ hold in central Punjab but by trying to carve territory for itself in southern Punjab where it did well in the 2008 polls. The PPP’s ‘new province’ slogan, based on a negative projection of the ‘Takht Lahore’ rather than on its claims of development, made it even more vulnerable in upper Punjab.
Enter Imran Khan
This is when Imran Khan intervened. Khan had been long trying to make a mark for himself; a major impediment was his reluctance to take on the Sharifs directly. Once he overcame this obstacle, he found support among the young and not so young who had come to equate the failures of political governments with those of the system. Khan was their new Mr Clean. Over time, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s argument underwent frequent changes so that the party could equip itself for a real shot at power. Even then, he managed to stir a wave which grew more threatening by the day.
Imran Khan was likely to get the support of the old PPP voters, especially in upper Punjab. These voters had become wary of their party’s concessions on territory and ideology and were likely to wilt under the weight of accusations against the current PPP leadership.
Another large group which supported the PTI once belonged to the PML-Q. It consisted of many new, ambitious politicians who first arrived on the scene after the Musharraf-held elections — general and local government. Some had been embraced by the PML-N and felt secure; those perhaps wanting to be absorbed by the PPP were chastened by the unpopularity of the Zardari set-up. In any case this group of political wannabes was too big to be accommodated by the old parties. Most of this Musharraf residue was threatened with extinction but it now found space for possible progress in the PTI. Much of it was concentrated in Punjab. Then there were people: ordinary people wanting to stamp the bat.
Many PTI candidates for May 11 are old PML-Q hands, but they are supported in good number by new faces inspired by Imran Khan’s slogan for change. The perception that Khan has not been able to woo many politicians from the PML-N in Punjab was thought to be to his disadvantage after he made it known he was willing to make compromises for securing power first. It was thought a concentration of the anti-PML-N vote in the PTI camp could consolidate the Sharif support especially in Punjab.
Over time, it appeared that all these old calculations were at risk and new patterns were set to emerge. It was still between the PTI and PML-N, and too close to call, it being difficult to put numbers on the Imran wave.
PML-Q’s dwindling presence
The much-talked-about PML-Q vote bank was nonexistent to begin with and whatever little promise it offered has since largely been compromised by the defiance of the seat-adjustment formula between the PPP and PML-Q by their candidates.
In any case, the large chunk the PML-Q got in Punjab in 2008 stemmed from a general feeling that the ‘establishment’ was keen for it to continue in power. The PML-Q has served its purpose, and if a small percentage of loyal Muslim League vote, inspired by expectations of victory, exists, it is more likely to go to the PML-N. The PML-Q may only retain a feeble presence on the strength of the personal vote banks of its candidates.
Balochistan
The PML-Q put up a good show last time it was in Balochistan, where it revelled in the absence of the nationalists, before submitting to a junior role under the chief minister, PPP’s Aslam Raisani. While the PML-Q has disappeared from the scene in the province, the PPP retains a very small presence here. The PML-N has sought to create alliances with nationalists.
That could turn out to be a vital link between Balochistan and the rest of the country which tends to repeatedly forget it, sadly often treating it as territory that can be best looked after by the garrison boys. The province is crying out for a look above party positions, and party performances in election.
Yet, participation by everyone in the May 11 vote is absolutely essential for an initiative that can then be taken into the larger debate about Balochistan’s future. Voter turnout is crucial and the reaction of various groups to the deployment of the army for the election has to be watched closely and responsibly responded to.
PPP: a spent force?
In what could have long-lasting repercussions, it is the Q’s ally PPP which is in disarray in both KP where it did quite well in 2008 and in vast areas of Punjab.
The PPP campaign in southern Punjab and even in its old bastion Sindh, where it confronts a multi-party alliance this time, needs a leader in command and ideas to sustain it. Such a campaign could have made some impact on districts upwards where the party has candidates who undertook considerable development work in the last five years. Many are struggling under the cumulative effects of incumbency and because their party has failed to come up with a lead campaigner. The PPP, like the Awami National Party in KP, has been severely contained and could pay a big price on polling day.
The Sharif factor
If an analysis of likely fortunes were to be based on election campaigns alone, the PML-N had at least two politicians of the highest national stature in Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif to campaign freely and fearlessly. They did not only campaign in Punjab but also in Sindh, KP and Balochistan. And they, like Imran Khan, had no time to get into the niceties which would require them to speak against the violence perpetrated in the poll run-up on the MQM, PPP and ANP. They were concerned with their own political security.
The combined effect of these forays by the Sharifs — and Imran Khan — the militant warnings and the media relays, which highlighted the absence of the PPP, threaten to severely curtail the number of seats the Zardari party expects.
The PML-N drive was supplemented by the next generation of Sharifs — Hamza Shahbaz, Maryam Nawaz, Salman Shahbaz — in Lahore. This was a bonus when what they were fighting against was actually a one-man flying squad by the name of Imran Khan and a no-show Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
The relentless Sharif show was a rerun of earlier campaigns where the Sharifs sought to overwhelm their opponents by flaunting the sheer number of in-house campaigners as also by investing in other resources to ensure that they appear to dominate the scene. Before an election is won a party must appear to be winning it with banners and rallies and grand election offices at strategic places. The PML-N sought to convey that message through aggressive campaigning. Imran Khan again intervened, one-man, but energised by a huge response to his call for change. The PTI hit back with energy that has been absent over the last many elections.
The Imran Khan wave went up and down since the PTI, as one of the favoured parties of Pakistan’s current moral guardians, had not been able to come up with an ideology which was sufficiently different from that of the PML-N. Another crucial point was that the PML-N was offering leadership at both the centre and Punjab. Khan had himself to take charge at the centre but didn’t offer quality candidates for the province. But the PTI cadres differed, primarily by saying that change was ideology enough.
Playing it safe
Even though the absence of PTI stalwarts to challenge big PML-N names in Lahore constituencies was puzzling, the PTI’s challenge did shake the PML-N. A contest was on — the meek like the PPP dreamily hoping for a three-way.
The PTI was depending too much on its leader and on the youthful wave whose velocity no one is sure about. But then this is what the wave is all about. It creates excitement and makes predictions tricky. Both the contenders fighting it out in Punjab and KP promise a sweep of their own. Independent scenarios see tough fights and do not yet rule out a hung parliament.
That will be a test for Nawaz Sharif but a more severe trial for Khan. The PTI chief has been able to attract individuals from old parties in recent times. Striking partnerships with parties is a different ballgame altogether. Khan will do well as long as he does not compromise his individuality and remembers that the Sharifs are his main opponents in this battle over a new Pakistan.
http://dawn.com/2013/05/10/it-takes-two-to-have-an-election/
Last edited by a moderator:
UNFATHOMABLE
MPA (400+ posts)
Re: kya shikari sher ka shikar kar paayega?
Sharif is no more there...The Tiger has died...No more sharif
Sharif is no more there...The Tiger has died...No more sharif
