"Tweeting Differences" - important piece by Ejaz Haider on latest DawnLeaks Twitter tamasha

M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
BY REJECTING A NOTIFICATION ISSUED BY THE PRIME MINISTERS OFFICE, THE ARMY HAS PROVEN THE CIVIL-MILITARY DIVIDE INITIALLY REPORTED BY DAWN


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A tweet on Saturday, April 29, at 2:52 p.m. from @OfficialDGISPR, the handle maintained by the current Director-General of Inter-Service Public Relations, sent the government and media into tizzy.

The tweet read: Notification on Dawn Leak is incomplete and not in line with recommendations by the Inquiry Board. Notification is rejected.

The public snub was in response to a letter (order) issued from the Prime Ministers Office by his Principal Secretary. The order referred to para 18 of the inquiry report in the issue of the Dawn leak and said that (a) the matter had been referred to the All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS), which, in addition to recommending disciplinary action against Dawn newspaper, its editor and its reporter is also supposed to frame a code of conduct for reporting on news of national security and importance; (b) Rao Tehseen, Principal Information Officer, Ministry of Information, has been removed under E&D Rules and will be proceeded against; and (c) the portfolio of Tariq Fatemi, Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs, had been withdrawn.

The letter, sent to the interior and information ministries and the cabinet and establishment divisions, ends with: Further necessary action may be taken accordingly by the concerned Ministries and Divisions.

Lets consider some issues here, beginning with the tweet.

Theres a general sense, also reflected in analyses and on social media, that the tweet comes from ISPR, signed off by the DG, a two-star. Thats wrong. Nothing can be put forward by the ISPR on its own steam. Everything is vetted, at a minimum, by the office of the Chief of General Staff and, in most cases, by the Chief of Army Staff secretariat.

Put another way, the tweet by Maj.-Gen Ghafoor is not his personal opinion but the response of the Army as an institution.

Next up is the issue of the probity of the tweet. There are two vital concerns here. One relates to the public rejection of an order from the Prime Ministers Office, the highest in the land, the other is about using Twitter as the medium.

It is extremely unfortunate, leaving aside other factors, that the Army, for some time now, has chosen to voice itself on Twitter on matters for which there are institutional mechanisms available under either the Constitution or through acts of Parliament. One such forum is the Cabinet Committee of National Security, which has all the relevant people, civil and military, as its members, and which is headed by the prime minister. Theres of course always the option of the Army chief meeting with the P.M. and/or other concerned ministers.

Twitter is a 140-character platform and while it can be useful for voicing certain things, it can be poison if the Army decides that from now on it will start communicating with other institutions of the state through a staccato medium which, in its brevity, is neither the soul of wit nor of lingerie and which, in fact, is far too often weighed down by the ridiculous than the sublime. Unless, and this is important, the Army is either being plain stupid or deliberately offensive. I will wager my money on the latter.

Theres deep irony here. Very deep, in fact. But for that we have to go back to the Dawn story from where it all began. The story basically said that in a high-level meeting the civilians told the military officials present that the world is not prepared to accept the distinction between good and bad terrorist groups and Pakistan has to move against everyone. The civilians then told the military officers that action must be taken against all.

The Army reacted sharply to the story and pushed for an inquiry into who had leaked this while, at the same time, calling the story concocted. However, it also said that the story had compromised national security and the people responsible should be punished. In other words, Dawn printed a concocted story which, nonetheless, had managed to breach national security by (a) giving the impression that while the civilians wanted to act against all the groups, the Army was somehow reluctant and (b) this showed that there was a fault-line between the civilian and military enclaves. These impressions, it was said, jeopardized national security.

Up until now, it is not clear whether people should be punished for constructing a story where there was none or for leaking to a newspaper something that actually happened and which mustnt have been shared with anyone outside of that room. If its the latter, then it is quite clear that the storys veracity cannot be challenged. Also clear is the fact that there is a fault-line between the civilian and military enclaves.

And if it can be determined that there is such a fault-line, it becomes moot to challenge the very definition of national security being trotted by the Army and which it thinks has been compromised by Dawn by making such differences public. But that is a separate topic and its treatment would force us to start talking about the subversion of the Constitution by the generals and unauthorized operations et cetera.

The deep irony that I talked about is related to the fact that the ISPRs public tweet, retweeted and liked thousands of times, puts an absolute stamp on that fault-line, the civil-military divide. Put another way, while Dawn must be castigated for giving a false impression about such a divide, the Army, through ISPR, can do a perfect, public job of confirming it.

The Armys view is, and I say this on the basis of the arguments presented to me, that the inquiry board has determined that national security was breached, the inquiry board named those responsible, and suggested what needs to be done. None of that is reflected in the order that has come out of the PMO and the reference to para 18 means nothing because people dont have access to the report or para 18. In other words, the PMO has tried to whitewash the report and that is unacceptable. This is not about the P.M.s person or the civilian government but the state.

To this, heres what I would say and recommend:

One, regardless of anything, the PMO is the highest office in the land. Until Nawaz Sharif is removed as the prime minister, he remains one and continues to enjoy his constitutional privileges.

Two, the Army should, once and for all, accept that using Twitter for inter-governmental communication betrays a woeful lack of understanding of the platform. [NB: President Trump is constantly being ridiculed and mimicked in the U.S. for his morning Twitter diarrhea.]

Three, the PMO should release the report, as also past reports, beginning with the Hamoodur Rehman Commission Report.

Four, it is important to release this report so we can see how the inquiry board defined national security and how it determined that national security was compromised by the Dawn report. At least, if we are not satisfied by either the definition or the determination, we can then take the issue to a court of law.

I think we will all agree that a state is far more than just its Army and the definition of national security lies firmly within the domain of the civilian government. Lets have some good come out of this by making the report public so we can agree with or, conversely, challenge the inquiry boards idea of national security.

Haider is editor of national-security affairs at Capital TV. He was a Ford Scholar at the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C. He tweets @ejazhaider

http://newsweekpakistan.com/tweeting-differences/
 
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M Ali Khan

Minister (2k+ posts)
AGAR MUBASHER LUCMAN AUR DR SHAHID MASOOD SE FURSAT MILAY TOU EJAZ HAIDER KA FOLLOW UP PIECE BHI PARH LO ISS DAWN LEAKS TAMASHAY KE OOPAR.....


WHAT THE ARMY THINKS

BY EJAZ HAIDER, MAY 01 2017

PAKISTANS CIVIL-MILITARY DIVIDE AS VIEWED THROUGH THE MIND OF A MILITARY OFFICER


[FONT=&amp]Since the publication of my piece Tweeting Differences, I have been engaged by several officers ranging from majors to lieutenant generals. Some I shared the article with, others read and responded.
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[FONT=&amp]Full disclosure: I know most of them personally to varying degrees. Four of them are former 3-stars and held important command and staff appointments. All, regardless of rank, are thinking officers and reject the notion that Army should run the country.[/FONT]
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None asked me to put forward the Armys viewpoint. My exchanges with them were private. But I consider it fair and proper, analytically and for reasons of journalistic probity, that I present their views and assess them, without attribution.
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What I write here will be a synopsis of the common strands that run through the views of different officers.
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Theres a reason for this exercise. The civil-military disequilibrium, or call it disconnect, is one of the most dangerous weaknesses of our polity. As a Pakistani who believes in strong, efficient and harmonious institutions, I consider it myindeed our collectiveresponsibility to do whatever one (we) can to bridge this gap.
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From my point of view, three things are clear: One, the state is the overhang under which everyone must operate, whether in mufti or in khaki. Two, unlike some who think the military must be weakened, I believe that we need a strong military that is subordinate to civilian governments and in harmony with other elements of national power. Three, democracy, which gives to the citizens their right to be the principal authority, is not just about form but substance.
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The paradox and the challenge of civil-military relations and civilian supremacy has been best summed up by Peter D. Feaver: to reconcile a military strong enough to do anything the civilians ask them to do with a military subordinate enough to do only what the civilians authorize them to do.
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Now to the synopsis:
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While the prime minister has constitutional privileges, it is not his privilege to deliberately malign a state institution, i.e., the Army. The Dawn story was purposely leaked to give the impression that Pakistan Army is a rogue organization.
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Shuja Nawaz recorded Nawaz Sharifs style of governance in his book Crossed Swords: Pakistan, Its Army, and the Wars Within. Sharif continues on the same path, undermining institutions and rewarding personal loyalties instead of acting like the Chief Executive. His family and some close confidants have an undeclared but consistent policy of (a) driving a wedge between the people and the Army, (b) creating splits within the Army, and (c) giving an impression to the rest of the world that the problem is the Army and it needs to be sorted out.
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The Sharifs style of governance is evidenced by the Panama leaks and the Supreme Court verdict in the case based on those documents. Not even the majority judgment believes that his story hangs. Sharif has lost the moral right to govern. The Army has stayed out of multiple crises since 2008 and tried to reconcile political differences among warring political factions at their request, even as many called upon it to intervene and clean up the mess. The Army believes, firmly, that the country should be run by the elected representatives but it also expects that those representatives will govern properly, not undermine state institutions or the national interest. This, the officers insist, is also the view of the average citizen.
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On India, the officers viewpoint is again interesting. They believe that it is important to normalize relations but ask, not without reason, about the terms of such a dialogue or normalization. They also question the wisdom of the P.M.s secret huddles with Indian tycoon Sajjan Jindal, whose adverse comments about the Pakistan Army are on record. They question the wisdom of a policy that bypasses an institutional approach to engagement with India at a time when Occupied Kashmir is burning. A few also point to the prime ministers familys alleged business links to Jindal, and the latters interest in transporting ore from Afghanistan to India via Pakistan.
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Finally, as many pointed out, General Qamar Bajwa is a straight soldier with a clear understanding of the many challenges Pakistan faces. If Sharif cannot even coordinate with him, then his problem with the Army runs too deep.
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The above synopsis offers insights into what the officer cadre, serving and retired, thinks about Sharif and his approach to governance. Even if, for the sake of the argument, we say this is more perception than reality, then, too, it should be clear that the chasm runs deep. Also clear from this should be the fact that with differences so deep, to expect policy coordination on the challenges that stare us in the face would require optimism at its most optimistic.
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One can present arguments detailing the civilian enclaves frustration with the Armys hold on certain core foreign policy issues and that would be fair commentary. But equally, on many issues, we have seen the civilians either abdicate and genuflect or create unnecessary friction, as happened in the case of the Dawn story.
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This is not a tenable situation unless addressed immediately. The prime minister should call a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on National Security and discuss these impressions, perceptions and differences with the military high command. If it is accepted that both sides want the best for Pakistan, then reaching out should not be difficult. In fact, that to me offers the best solution to discussing matters threadbare. Its a no-brainer that if the intentions of a Chief Executive are doubted to this extent then we are looking at confrontation at worst and policy stalemate at best.
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Also, both sides, but especially the Army, should avoid falling in the trap of forwarded as received WhatsApp messages. The business of state cannot be conducted through fora that are being used more for alt-facts than facts as we traditionally know and define them.
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Haider is editor of national-security affairs at Capital TV. He was a Ford Scholar at the Program in Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C. He tweets @ejazhaider

http://newsweekpakistan.com/what-the-army-thinks/[/FONT]
 

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